Photo: Lorie Shaull
Richard Reddie, Director of Justice and Inclusion for Churches Together in Britain and Ireland (CTBI), reflects on the death of George Floyd and the quest for racial justice both in the USA and Britain.
Much has rightly been said about the brutal slaying of George Floyd at the hands of a Minneapolis police officer. The sight of a trained police officer, hands in his pockets, while his knee was on Mr Floyd’s neck, was appalling. What makes the scenario all the more unspeakable, were Mr Floyd’s pleas that he could not breathe, and the inactivity of the three other police officers who looked on while the man died from his mistreatment. The whole scenario is inhuman and contemptuous of life; Black life in this case.
In a US context, it is important to recognise that this was not an isolated incident, nor is it a recent phenomenon. Violence against African Americans is as old as America itself. The former Chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, member (Hubert) H. Rap Brown famously argued: ‘Violence is as American as cherry pie – a way of life since the Mayflower’.i His comments were reinforced by the words from a History Channel documentary which stated that: “The American Revolution was fought—and won—with guns, and that weapons have become ingrained in U.S. culture…”.ii However, prior to the Revolution, these same weapons were used by frontiersmen and pioneers to capture land on which the First Nations Peoples (pejoratively labelled “Indians”) lived. It is the case that all early, White male US colonists were conscripted into militias or enrolled as Rangers where they were paid to protect colonisers from “raiding tribesmen”iii.
George Floyd’s forebears were forcibly taken to the USA on slave ships where, after arrival, they were subjected to unspeakable violence and terror as they toiled for nothing as enslaved men and women on plantations. Any who sought to flee were rounded up by a pseudo police force whose duty it was to return runaways. After manumission, Jim Crow segregation and the emergence of armed, White violent, terror groups, ensured that Black lives continued to be expendable and circumscribed by the White power structure.
Photo: Lorie Shaull
The response to George Floyd’s killing has been fascinating on several levels. The sheer outrage has been unprecedented and, on a scale not seen in the USA, since the murder of Revd Dr Martin Luther King Jr (I will say more about him in a moment) in April 1968. However, what has made the George Floyd tragedy extraordinary is the global response, which has seen demonstrations on all of the world’s continents. While the vast majority of these have been peaceful, some have ended with damage to property. As a result of this violence, certain critics have demanded that the protesters take a leaf out of Dr King’s copybook in terms of peaceful protest. (As a Dr King scholar, I’m always fascinated by the way certain individuals, usually people of a conservative persuasion – spelt with a lower case “c” – tend to quote Dr King at moments of crisis or when it suits them.)
Dr King’s non-violent, civil disobedience methodology had its roots in various Christian peace-related traditions and Mohandas K. (Mahatma) Gandhi’s ideas on Satyagraha or soul force. However, King so popularised this form of protest that it has now become the default method of dissent. We naturally assume all protests will be peaceful, and any demonstration that descends into violence loses, among other matters, the moral high ground.
What is interesting about Dr King’s civil rights protests were that irrespective of their non-violent dimension, many in the USA at the time did not want or like them. What is more, a good number of the critics were linked to the Church. Dr King’s famous Letter from a Birmingham Jail was a response to his White clergy detractors who accused him of stirring up trouble in their racially-segregated city.iv
And while Dr King always insisted that his marches remained anchored to his non-violent philosophy, many of the most notable ones did end in violence. In many cases, the violence was of the police’s making. For instance, King’s aforementioned activities in Birmingham, Alabama, around Eastertime 1963, saw the troops violently club, hose and set dogs on thousands of peaceful demonstrators. Equally, the first Selma to Montgomery March in early 1965, ended with such appalling police violence that it was dubbed “Bloody Sunday”. The common denominators in both marches were belligerent police chiefs; in Birmingham it was Eugene “Bull” Connor, while in Selma it was Jim Clarke. Both men took real pride in “keeping the [Black man] in his place” and resorted to unspeakable violence to do so during these demonstrations. The irony was that this police brutality so scandalised America, it had the immediate impact of ushering in desegregation and conversations about greater Black opportunities. In the long term, it forced the country to address its own racism and inconsistency, leading to the passing of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and Voting Rights legislation the following year. When King’s protests faced off against more thoughtful, but equally racist police officers, they were less “successful”, such as in Albany in 1961. During this protest, King and his colleagues encountered the wily, media-savvy, police chief, Laurie Pritchett, who warned his officers not to provide the cameras with any images of them beating unarmed protesters.
King’s protests also encountered violence from racist White mobs who were firmly against his desire to see their communities more integrated, and Black folks given a decent share of the cherry pie. This occurred during King’s northern campaign in Chicago in 1966, where a march that went through sections of an all-White neighbourhood, saw a racially-mixed group of protesters ducking from hails of gun shots, bottles and bricks.
Moreover, King’s protests occasionally turned violent such as the last one he led while alive in Memphis, Tennessee, in March 1968. This protest was in support of Black sanitation workers, but unbeknownst to King, a group of Black Power supporters, known as the Invaders, had infiltrated the march. The march saw violent confrontations with the police and massive damage to property. Such was the chaos that King had to be taken away by a police escort.
It is important to recognise that by the mid-1960s, African Americans were having a real debate about the efficacy of Dr King’s non-violent approach to civil rights. King argued that his protests involved “the creation of such a crisis and the fostering of such tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue”, and he often used the term “dramatise” to describe this. In reality, this meant Black people had to be prepared to be beaten and even die (experience violence) in order for those in power to make any concessions. It is worth noting that Dr King was himself a victim of such racist violence.
Photo: Miki Jourdan
Black Power activists such as Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) argued that: ‘[They] were clear in [their] own minds that a “non-violent” approach to civil rights [was] one Black people could not afford and a luxury White people [did] not deserve.’ Carmichael’s words resonated with many young African Americans, and between 1964-1968 there were over 239 outbreaks of racial violence in more than 200 US cities.v While King was clearly no advocate of violence, he paraphrased Victor Hugo by saying that “Violence was the language of the unheard”. He would also suggest that it revealed an unacknowledged truth that several days of violence could make more of a visceral impact than 1,000 peaceful marches. Equally, he was cognizant that for some Black people, “rocks, boulders and incendiary devices were a cathartic way of giving White folks a taste of their own medicine”.
There are so many parallels between King’s protests and those taking place today – on both sides of the Atlantic. The first is that when it comes to the fight for racial justice, Black folks are expected to behave decently (saintly!) even after being subjected to perennial racist violence and terror. Anything deviating from this results in an equating of scenarios. The irony in America’s case is that the perpetrators of this violence and injustice invariably claim to be Christians. Equally, today’s marches are said to have been infiltrated by the “hard left”; in the USA it is supposedly, Antifa. In King’s time it was Communists: The FBI investigated King for well over a decade for supposed Communist links. While King had certain left-leaning views, neither his organisation nor his marches, were havens for card-carrying communists.
The second is the fixation with property damage when protests go awry. No one can or should, condone wanton acts of criminality, but the connection between property damage in relation to Black protest is a fascinating one. The history of African people in the West is one in which, during slavery, they were considered “property” – alongside livestock and real estate. They were chattel – “moveable possessions” – to be bought and sold at whim by White slave masters. The greatest crime an enslaved African could commit, aside from killing his or her master, was damaging their property – literally, their “property” damaging their property. Anyone caught committing such a crime was punished most severely (usually this meant death) as a way of dissuading similar such actions.vi Such is the pervasiveness of slavery on the (White) American psyche that they still cannot tolerate Black folks damaging property, irrespective of the cause.
However, I would also argue that by focusing on property damage and making the protests a “law and order” issue, it is possible to divert attention away addressing the more important issues raised by the protesters, such as institutional and structural racism, White privilege and unconscious bias. It becomes ironic that protests which, among other issues, rail against unlawful police behaviour, are reduced to law and order matters by those keener to maintain order than uphold the impartiality of the law.
As someone who was born and brought up in this country, it does not surprise me in the least that Black Britons are firmly behind the US-borne protests. There is a tendency among the British establishment to cock a snook at the US over racism and violence, as if both do not exist on these shores. British history tends not to mention that many of those weapon-wielding pioneers/ colonisers who “won the West from the Indians” came from these shores, bringing with them the notions of racial hierarchies and bigotry that are still present today.
Much like the USA, the relationship between Britain’s Black community and police has been chequered to say the least. If we use the arrival of the SS Empire Windrush ship in June 1948, as the starting point for Black engagement with the police, we witness that soon after this date, there are accusations of police harassment and racist violence.vii The problem Black folks have often faced is convincing mainstream Britain that there were rotten apples among its truncheon carrying constables. Unlike the US with its armed forces, the image of a police officer in most White Britons’ minds, is still shaped by the BBC television drama, Dixon of Dock Green, where George Dixon (played by Jack Warner) was a genial, common-sense bobby with the bedside manner of a general practitioner.
However, akin to the USA, BAME Britons have died in police custody. One of the first was David Oluwale, a Nigerian-born, Leeds based, would-be engineer who died in 1969.viii According to BBC research, 23 of the 163 people who have died in, or following, police custody in England and Wales in the last 10 years, were BAME.[ix] Equally, the Rt Hon. Dame Elish Angiolini’s “Independent review of deaths in police custody between 1989/1990 and 2008/2009” found that: “a disproportionate number of people from BAME communities (and those with mental health concerns) have died following the use of force”.x Similarly, new research also reveals the disproportionate use of tasers by police against Black menxi. Finally. the Lammy Review (2017) conducted by Labour MP, David Lammy, on the treatment of minority groups in the criminal justice system, said many in those communities found the system was “stacked against them”.
Photo: Lorie Shaull
One issue that has been a bone of contention between the BAME communities and the police is “stop and search”. Current figures suggest that BAME people are more likely to be stopped and searched by police than their White peers.xiii British police suggests this policy is a tool, which when used appropriately, can see a reduction in criminal activity. Critics argue it is a blunt instrument that only serves to stir up community tensions. One only has to look at the origins of the Brixton uprisings almost four decades ago, to see how such a tactic can go awry. In 1981, the Metropolitan police decided to implement “Operation Swamp” in which its officers “flooded” Brixton and used “Sus” laws (suspected person) to stop and search nearly 1,000 Black youth, in several daysxiv. This activity, coupled with other forms of racism and the crippling unemployment at the time, led to the disturbances. Some would argue that trust between Black communities and the police has never recovered from this, or resulting encounters. I would contend that this deficit of confidence continues to stymie a great deal of the work to tackle serious youth violence. If these young people, akin to their parents, have little faith in the forces of the law, it is hard to see how they will engage with them in ways that can address this issue.
The protests in Britain are taking place at a time when we are still being encouraged to social distance due to the current COVID-19 emergency. Among other issues, this virus has revealed the massive levels of inequality that exist within Britain. While we were told “we are all in this together”, data reveals that if you are from a BAME background, you are several times more likely to die of the virus.xv What is more, Metropolitan police data revealed that “disproportionate numbers of ethnic minority groups were fined for alleged breaches of the lockdown in London”.xvi
The Black British sense of outrage has also been fuelled by a series of policy scandals and events that have served to reveal the inequality fissures and blatant racism in our society. The campaign for Britain to leave the EU was posited on issues of sovereignty – “being able to make our own way in the world” and “taking back our borders”. However, this message was undergirded with a deep anti-immigration sentiment that verged on outright racism. It was therefore no surprise that the very day after Britain voted to leave the EU – 23 June 2016, which some called “Independence Day” – there was an immediate spike in reported race and religious related hate crime.xvii Immigration and a fear of foreigners was also at the heart of the Government’s “Hostile Environment”, which aimed to “make staying in the United Kingdom as difficult as possible for people without leave to remain, in the hope that they may voluntarily leave”. This much-maligned and now rescinded policy, resulted in the Windrush Scandal, which saw Black Britons from the aforementioned 1948 Windrush Ship arrival, and their children, who had lived and worked in this country for decades, threatened with deportation because they did not appear to have the right papers. Because many of the Windrush generation arrived as children on their parents’ passports, and the Home Office destroyed thousands of landing cards and other records, many lacked the documentation to prove their right to remain in the UK. The Home Office also placed the burden of proof on individuals to prove their residency predated 1973.xviii The irony is that some of these individuals had worked for the NHS as nurses and care workers, or London Transport (the very same people now considered heroes), but prior to COVID-19, they were told to leave. While the Government recognised its folly, it has yet to agree any real recompense for those who lost livelihoods and their health due to the scandal.
As a Christian who works for an organisation that engages with churches of all traditions in Britain and Ireland, I believe that the death of George Floyd is very much a watershed or Kairos moment for it to be truly prophetic on the issue of racial justice. For far too long, the churches have danced around this issue in ways that would put Fred Astaire to shame. Those like me, who broached many of the abovementioned issues, were deemed “purveyors” of uncomfortable truths at best, and troublemakers at worst. (It is ironic that some of the very same church leaders (both Black and White) who are now speaking so “boldly” about the need to tackle racism, are the same ones who claimed it was not an issue in the Church.) So, while it is great to hear so many speak out, it will take action and not mere words to bring about the changes of which they speak. Consequently, the primary response should not be to call prayer meetings or host religious services, at which there is some “symbolic action” such as Black people having their feet washed by their White brethren, and congregations singing rousing renditions of Amazing Grace or Kumbaya. In all truth, we have had these before and they led to nothing.
And while so much needs to be done in society, the Church needs to get its own house in order before it seeks to preach to society. I would argue that the churches need to have an honest conversation about “race”. The first thing that it must do, is rid itself of the doctrine of “colour-blind” Christianity. If I had a penny for the numerous times I have been told by White colleagues that when they “see me, they don’t see my colour”, I could build my own church. In all truth, this is naïve at best, and a lie at worst. The problem with the “I don’t see race” paradigm is that if you fail to see race, you find it impossible to acknowledge the existence and reality of racism. Equally, those (White) leaders who believe their Black congregants are not interested in “race” issues and “just want to get on with their lives”, are sadly mistaken. I can assure you that the vast majority are fixated with this issue. However, the perverse nature of racism and certain Black sensibilities, result in many refraining from having these conversations out of fear of upsetting their White counterparts.
The other immediate step that needs to be taken is to celebrate Racial Justice Sunday, which is held annually on the second Sunday in February. It is tragically ironic that this year marks the 25th anniversary of Racial Justice Sunday in Britain and Ireland. This event, which has its roots in the tragic killing of teenager Stephen Lawrence, encourages all Christians to join together to Remember, Reflect and Respond” to racial justice matters in Church and society. So, they:
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- Remember the importance of racial justice
- Reflect on human diversity and thank God for it
- Respond by working to end injustice, racism and ignorance through prayer and action.xix
Over the last few years, churches have conveniently allowed it to fall off the radar. However, if the Church is serious about implementing change in its structures and people’s lives, it needs to mark this event in a significant way. I invariably struggle with the fact that over the years, churches have sought to equip their congregations, on a Sunday, for their experiences throughout the week, yet singularly fail to provide anyone – Black or White – with the right tools to tackle the pervasive racism in this country.
There is little doubt that real change within our churches must be structural, which means change starting from the top. While individuals working for the Church with racial justice and equalities’ briefs have important roles to play, most are not in a position, power-wise, to effect the necessary change. If that had been the situation, it would have happened by now. Sadly, the Church often mirrors society when it comes to matters of inclusion and representation. I must confess that I tire of hearing news items on radio and television exploring the lack of BAME people on the boards of FTSE 100 companies.xx This is because they invariably trot out a BAME person from an equalities’ organisation to discuss the issue, but never interview anyone from one of these actual companies, who is in a position (of power) to clarify what is happening (or not as the case may be). It can be argued that the Church is being equally cowardly if it does the equivalent regarding its equalities’ workers, rather than those wielding the real power.
For Black congregations and churches, especially those from Pentecostal traditions, George Floyd’s death is the moment when they need to acknowledge and affirm their racial identity and heritage. I have attended churches that are 100% Black, congregationally, but prefer to describe themselves as “International”, even though this “internationality” is predominantly African and Caribbean. In steering clear of identifying directly with Black communities, these churches then struggle to identify with the issues impacting them. As a result, they have singularly failed to engage successfully with all the socio-political and economic issues mentioned above. My research for my book, “Black Muslims in Britain”, revealed that this lack of critical engagement was one of major reasons why young Black people have been turning their backs on these congregations.
Over the coming months, CTBI will be hosting a number of webinars featuring some of the keenest minds in the Church, which aim to address racial injustice and inequality in the Church as well as society. These conversations will be an opportunity for honest discussions on topics that many would prefer to sweep under the carpet. The Christian scriptures speak of a God of justice, who made human beings in his own image, and sent his only son to seek and save the last, the least and the lost in our world. If our faith is real, we too must be committed to justice and love those made in God’s image, and work alongside others in the fight to end racism.
[i] Reddie, R. Martin Luther King Jr: History Maker. Lion Hudson, 2011. P. 142.
[ii] https://www.history.com/topics/inventions/firearms
[iii] Grenier, J. The first way of war: American war making on the frontier, 1607–1814. P. 38.
[iv] Reddie, R. Martin Luther King Jr: History Maker. Lion Hudson, 2011. P. 98.
[v] Reddie, R. Martin Luther King Jr: History Maker. Lion Hudson, 2011. P. 142.
[vi] Reddie, R. Abolition! The struggle to abolish slavery in the British colonies. Lion Hudson, 2007. Pps. 81-82.
[vii] https://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/Race%20and%20Policing%20v5.pdf
[viii] http://news.bbc.co.uk/local/leeds/hi/people_and_places/arts_and_culture/newsid_8293000/8293689.stm
[ix] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/52890363
[x] https://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/publications/cjm/article/understanding-riotshttps://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/655401/Report_of_Angiolini_Review_ISBN_Accessible.pdf
[xi] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/tasers-police-black-mentally-ill-stun-guns-iopc-a9515181.html
[xii] https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/643001/lammy-review-final-report.pdf
[xiii] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/stop-and-search-racist-bame-crime-home-office-a9160826.html
[xiv] https://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/publications/cjm/article/understanding-riots
[xv] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jun/02/covid-19-death-rate-in-england-higher-among-bame-people
[xvi] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-52905787
[xvii] https://www.theguardian.com/society/2018/oct/16/hate-crime-brexit-terrorist-attacks-england-wales
[xviii] https://www.jcwi.org.uk/windrush-scandal-explained
[xix] https://ctbiarchive.org/category/witnessing-together/racial-justice/
[xx] https://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2014/dec/15/how-diverse-are-ftse-100-companies-vince-cable
